Перевод: с английского на все языки

со всех языков на английский

however few there may be

  • 1 few

    1. adjective
    1) (not many) wenige

    few people — [nur] wenige [Leute]

    very few housewives know that — das wissen die wenigsten Hausfrauen

    his few belongings — seine paar Habseligkeiten

    [all] too few people — [viel] zu wenig Leute

    a few... — wenige...

    not a few... — eine ganze Reihe...

    [just or only] a few troublemakers — einige [wenige] Störenfriede

    2) (some) wenige

    a few... — einige od. ein paar...

    a good few [...]/quite a few [...] — (coll.) eine ganze Menge [...]/ziemlich viele [...]

    2. noun
    1) (not many) wenige

    few of us/them — nur wenige von uns/nur wenige [von ihnen]

    few of the people — nur wenige [Leute]

    just a few of you/her friends — nur ein paar von euch/ihrer Freunde

    not a few — nicht wenige

    the/these/those few who — diejenigen, die

    there were a few of us who... — es gab einige unter uns, die...

    with a few of our friends — mit einigen od. ein paar unserer Freunde

    a few [more] of these biscuits — [noch] ein paar von diesen Keksen

    a good few/quite a few — (coll.) eine ganze Menge/ziemlich viele [Leute]

    * * *
    [fju:]
    adjective, pronoun
    (not many; a very small number of: Few people visit me nowadays; every few minutes (= very frequently); Such opportunities are few.) wenige
    - academic.ru/114943/a_few">a few
    - few and far between
    * * *
    [fju:]
    I. adj
    1. attr, inv (some) einige
    there are a \few sandwiches left over from the party es sind noch ein paar Sandwiches von der Feier übrig
    I've got to get a \few things ich muss ein paar Dinge kaufen
    may I ask a \few questions? darf ich ein paar Fragen stellen?
    I'll be ready in just a \few minutes ich bin gleich fertig
    can I have a \few words with you? kann ich mal kurz mit dir sprechen?
    every \few days/minutes/weeks alle paar Tage/Minuten/Wochen
    2. ( emph: not many) wenige
    he is among the very \few people I can trust er gehört zu den ganz wenigen Leuten, denen ich vertrauen kann
    so \few people attended the party that it was embarrassing auf der Party waren so wenige Leute, dass es peinlich war
    there are only a \few days left before we leave for France in ein paar Tagen fahren wir nach Frankreich
    there are \few things in this world that give me more pleasure than a long bath nur weniges auf der Welt bereitet mir mehr Vergnügen als ein langes Bad
    \fewer people smoke these days than used to heute rauchen weniger Menschen als früher
    the benefits of this scheme are \few dieser Plan hat nur wenige Vorteile
    he's a man of \few words er sagt nie viel; ( form)
    I've warned him on no \fewer than five occasions ich habe ihn schon mindestens fünf Mal gewarnt
    his fiction has caused not a \few readers to see red bei seinen Romanen sehen nicht wenige Leser rot
    as \few as... nur...
    precious \few... ( fam) reichlich wenig... fam
    3. attr, inv (many) viele
    I know a \few people who... ich kenne einige Leute, die...; BRIT
    she put on a good \few pounds over Christmas sie hat über Weihnachten einige Pfunde zugelegt
    quite a \few [people] ziemlich viele
    4.
    ▶ to be \few and far between dünn gesät sein
    such opportunities are \few and far between solche Gelegenheiten gibt es nicht oft
    II. pron
    a \few of these apples ein paar von diesen Äpfeln
    many believe it but only a \few are prepared to say viele glauben es, aber nur wenige sagen es
    a \few of us/you/them einige von uns/euch/ihnen
    2. ( emph: not many) wenige
    precious \few will finish the course nur wenige werden den Kurs zu Ende bringen
    \few can remember back that far nur wenige können sich so weit zurückerinnern
    not many showed up and the \few who did left early es kamen nicht viele, und die paar, die kamen, gingen bald
    \few if any still believe that... kaum einer glaubt heute noch, dass...
    only some \few master more than ten languages nur ein paar wenige sprechen mehr als zehn Sprachen
    \few of the houses in the village made it through the hurricane nur wenige Häuser in dem Ort überstanden den Hurrikan
    \few of them actually got an interview nur wenige wurden zu einem Gespräch eingeladen
    there were too \few of us to charter the plane wir waren nicht genug, um das Flugzeug chartern zu können
    not a \few nicht wenige
    though she's young, her talents are not a \few obwohl sie jung ist, hat sie viele Talente
    a good \few BRIT ziemlich viele
    quite a \few eine ganze Menge
    4.
    ▶ to have had a \few einen sitzen haben fam
    ▶ to have had a \few too many etwas zu viel getrunken haben
    III. n
    1. (elite)
    ▪ the \few pl die Auserwählten
    only the \few can say they've dined with the Queen nur wenige Auserwählte können von sich sagen, dass sie mit der Queen gespeist haben
    ▪ the \few pl die Minderheit
    I was one of the lucky \few who... ich gehörte zu den wenigen Glücklichen, die...
    one of the fortunate [or happy] \few eine(r) der wenigen Glücklichen
    ▪ the F\few pl RAF-Piloten (Zitat aus einer Rede von Winston Churchill)
    * * *
    [fjuː]
    1. adj (+er)
    1) (= not many) wenige

    we are very few — wir sind nur sehr wenige or nur ein kleines Häufchen

    as few as ten cigarettes a day can be harmful — schon or bereits zehn Zigaretten am Tag können schädlich sein

    as few as six objections — bloß sechs Einwände, nicht mehr als sechs Einwände

    so few books —

    there were 3 too few —

    he is one of the few people who... — er ist einer der wenigen, die...

    2)

    there were quite a few waiting —

    quite a few books — ziemlich viele Bücher, eine ganze Menge Bücher

    not a few people —

    in the next/past few days — in den nächsten/letzten paar Tagen

    2. pron
    1) (= not many) wenige

    some few —

    the Few — Kampfflieger, die an der Luftschlacht um England im zweiten Weltkrieg teilnahmen

    I've got so/too few as it is —

    so few have been sold — so wenige sind bis jetzt verkauft worden

    2)

    a few —

    there are always the few who... — es gibt immer einige wenige Leute or ein paar Leute, die...

    the few who knew him — die wenigen, die ihn kannten

    * * *
    few [fjuː]
    A adj & pron
    1. wenige:
    he is a man of few words er macht nicht viele Worte, er ist ein schweigsamer Mensch;
    some few einige wenige;
    his friends are few er hat (nur) wenige Freunde;
    few and far between sehr vereinzelt, dünn gesät;
    no fewer than nicht weniger als
    2. a few einige, ein paar:
    he told me a few things er hat mir einiges erzählt;
    a good few, quite a few ziemlich viele, eine ganze Menge;
    a faithful few ein paar Getreue;
    every few days alle paar Tage;
    not a few nicht wenige, viele;
    only a few nur wenige;
    a very few sehr wenige;
    have a few umg ein paar (Schnäpse etc) kippen;
    he’s had a few umg er hat schon einiges intus
    B s the few die wenigen pl, die Minderheit:
    the happy few die wenigen Glücklichen;
    the chosen few die Auserwählten;
    appeal to the few nur einen kleinen Kreis ansprechen
    * * *
    1. adjective
    1) (not many) wenige

    few people — [nur] wenige [Leute]

    [all] too few people — [viel] zu wenig Leute

    a few... — wenige...

    not a few... — eine ganze Reihe...

    [just or only] a few troublemakers — einige [wenige] Störenfriede

    2) (some) wenige

    a few... — einige od. ein paar...

    a good few [...]/quite a few [...] — (coll.) eine ganze Menge [...]/ziemlich viele [...]

    2. noun
    1) (not many) wenige

    few of us/them — nur wenige von uns/nur wenige [von ihnen]

    few of the people — nur wenige [Leute]

    just a few of you/her friends — nur ein paar von euch/ihrer Freunde

    the/these/those few who — diejenigen, die

    there were a few of us who... — es gab einige unter uns, die...

    with a few of our friends — mit einigen od. ein paar unserer Freunde

    a few [more] of these biscuits — [noch] ein paar von diesen Keksen

    a good few/quite a few — (coll.) eine ganze Menge/ziemlich viele [Leute]

    * * *
    adj.
    wenig adj.

    English-german dictionary > few

  • 2 search engine registration

    E-com
    the process of enlisting a Web site with a search engine, so that the Web site is selected when a user requests a search. The process involves choosing the right keywords and metadata for the documents, in order for them to be selected in as many appropriate circumstances as possible.
         When registering a Web site with search engines, it is important to consider which will be of most benefit. Of the hundreds of search engines and directories, only a few really matter in terms of mass appeal—such as Yahoo, Google, and Alta Vista. However, there may well be specialist search engines for your particular industry, which should be on your list. All search engines used to be free to register with, but many are now charging, so consider whether they are worth the fee. An increasing number sell special placements in their search results: you choose a keyword, and when that keyword is input by a searcher, a short promotion for your Web site will appear. Search engines also need to be monitored regularly, as they can change the rules by which search results are presented. If your Web site is dropping down the results page, you may need to re-register.

    The ultimate business dictionary > search engine registration

  • 3 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 4 Artificial Intelligence

       In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)
       Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)
       Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....
       When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)
       4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, Eventually
       Just as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       Many problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)
       What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       [AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)
       The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)
       9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract Form
       The basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)
       There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:
        Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."
        Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)
       Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)
       Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)
       The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)
        14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory Formation
       It is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)
       We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.
       Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.
       Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.
    ... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)
       Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)
        16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular Contexts
       Even if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)
       Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        18) The Assumption That the Mind Is a Formal System
       Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial Intelligence
       The primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.
       The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)
       The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....
       AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)
        21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary Propositions
       In artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)
       Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)
       Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)
       The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence

  • 5 but

    1. conjunction
    (used to show a contrast between two or more things: John was there, but Peter was not.) pero

    2. preposition
    (except (for): no-one but me; the next road but one.) excepto
    but1 conj
    1. pero
    I'd like to come to the party, but I can't me gustaría ir a la fiesta, pero no puedo
    2. sino
    the party's not on Saturday, but on Sunday la fiesta no es el sábado, sino el domingo
    but2 prep salvo / excepto / menos
    tr[bʌt]
    1 pero
    ■ it's cold, but dry hace frío, pero no llueve
    ■ I'd like to, but I can't me gustaría, pero no puedo
    ■ not two, but three no dos, sino tres
    ■ she told him not to wait, but to go home le dijo que no se esperara, sino que se fuera para casa
    1 (nada) más que, no... sino, solamente, sólo,
    1 excepto, salvo, menos
    1 pero
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    but for de no ser por, si no fuera por
    ■ but for him, we would have failed de no ser por él, habríamos fracasado
    had I but «+ pp»... si lo + imperf subj...
    there is nothing for it but to «+ inf» no hay más remedio que + inf
    the last but one el/la penúltimo,-a
    but ['bʌt] conj
    1) that: que
    there is no doubt but he is lazy: no cabe duda que sea perezoso
    2) without: sin que
    3) nevertheless: pero, no obstante, sin embargo
    I called her but she didn't answer: la llamé pero no contestó
    4) yet: pero
    he was poor but proud: era pobre pero orgulloso
    but prep
    except: excepto, menos
    everyone but Carlos: todos menos Carlos
    the last but one: el penúltimo
    adv.
    • pero adv.
    • sino adv.
    • solamente adv.
    conj.
    • ahora conj.
    • empero conj.
    • mas conj.
    • pero conj.
    • sino conj.
    n.
    • objeción s.f.
    • pero s.m.
    prep.
    • excepto prep.

    I bʌt, weak form bət
    1)
    a) ( however) pero

    she was fired, but they were not — la despidieron a ella pero no a ellos

    everybody, but everybody knows that — eso no hay nadie que no lo sepa

    you're really bugging me but good! — (AmE colloq) qué manera de darme la lata! (fam)

    but what made you say it? — ¿pero por qué lo dijiste?

    surely he doesn't believe that? - oh, but he does! — no puede ser que se crea eso - pues sí que se lo cree

    c)

    but then — (as linker) (however, still) pero; ( in that case) pero entonces

    but then you never were very ambitious, were you? — pero la verdad es que tú nunca fuiste muy ambicioso ¿no?

    I don't want to, but then again I do — no quiero, pero a la vez or al mismo tiempo sí quiero

    2)

    not... but... — no... sino...

    it appears that she's not Greek but Albanian — parece que no es griega, sino albanesa

    not only did she hit him, but she also... — no sólo le pegó, sino que también...


    II
    a) ( except)

    everyone but me — todos menos or excepto or salvo yo

    the next street but one — la próxima calle no: la siguiente

    there's nothing we can do but wait — no podemos hacer otra cosa sino esperar, lo único que podemos hacer es esperar

    b)

    but for: but for them, we'd have lost everything — de no haber sido or si no hubiera sido por ellos, habríamos perdido todo


    III
    adverb (frml)

    IV bʌt
    noun pero m

    no buts: come here at once! — no hay pero que valga, ven aquí inmediatamente!

    [bʌt]
    1. CONJ

    I want to go but I can't afford it — quiero ir, pero no tengo el dinero

    but it does move! — ¡pero sí se mueve!

    • he's not Spanish but Italian — no es español sino italiano

    • we never go out but it rains — nunca salimos sin que llueva

    • but then he couldn't have known — por otro lado, no podía saber or haberlo sabido

    but then you must be my cousin! — ¡entonces tú debes ser mi primo!

    2.
    ADV (=only) solo, sólo, solamente; (=no more than) no más que
    In the past the standard spelling for solo as an adverb was with an accent (sólo). Nowadays the Real Academia Española advises that the accented form is only required where there might otherwise be confusion with the adjective solo.

    if I could but speak to him — si solamente or solo pudiese hablar con él

    • you can but try — con intentar no se pierde nada

    • all but naked — casi desnudo

    • had I but known — de haberlo sabido (yo), si lo hubiera sabido

    3.
    PREP (=except) menos, excepto, salvo

    • anything but that — cualquier cosa menos eso

    • everyone but him — todos menos él

    • but for you — si no fuera por ti

    • the last but one — el/la penúltimo(-a)

    • there is nothing for it but to pay up — no hay más remedio que pagar

    • who but she could have said something like that? — ¿quién sino ella podría haber dicho semejante cosa?

    4.
    N pero m, objeción f

    • no buts about it! — ¡no hay pero que valga!

    come on, no buts, off to bed with you! — ¡vale ya! no hay pero que valga, ¡a la cama!

    BUT There are three main ways of translating the conjunction but: pero, sino and sino que.
    Contrasting
    ► To introduce a contrast or a new idea, use pero:
    Strange but interesting Extraño pero interesante
    I thought he would help me but he refused Creí que me ayudaría, pero se negó ► In informal language, pero can be used at the start of a comment:
    But where are you going to put it? Pero ¿dónde lo vas a poner? NOTE: In formal language, s in embargo or no obstante may be preferred:
    But, in spite of the likely benefits, he still opposed the idea Sin embargo or No obstante, a pesar de las probables ventajas, todavía se oponía a la idea
    Correcting a previous negative
    ► When but or but rather introduces a noun phrase, prepositional phrase or verb in the infinitive which corrects a previous negative, translate but using sino:
    Not wine, but vinegar No vino, sino vinagre
    They aren't from Seville, but from Bilbao No son de Sevilla, sino de Bilbao
    His trip to London was not to investigate the case but to hush it up Su viaje a Londres no fue para investigar el caso sino para taparlo ► When but or but rather introduces a verb clause (or requires a verb clause in Spanish) which corrects a previous negative, translate using sino que:
    He's not asking you to do what he says but (rather) to listen to him No te pide que hagas lo que él dice, sino que le escuches
    Not only... but also
    ► When the but also part of this construction contains ((subject)) + ((verb)), translate using no solo or no sólo or no solamente... sino que también or sino que además:
    It will not only cause tension, but it will also damage the economy No solo or No sólo or No solamente provocará tensiones, sino que además or sino que también dañará la economía ► When the but also part does not contain ((subject)) + ((verb)), translate using no solo or no sólo or no solamente... sino también or sino además:
    Not only rich but also powerful No solo or No sólo or No solamente rico sino también or sino además poderoso
    We don't only want to negotiate but also to take decisions No queremos solo or sóloor solamente negociar, sino también tomar decisiones For further uses and examples, see main entry
    * * *

    I [bʌt], weak form [bət]
    1)
    a) ( however) pero

    she was fired, but they were not — la despidieron a ella pero no a ellos

    everybody, but everybody knows that — eso no hay nadie que no lo sepa

    you're really bugging me but good! — (AmE colloq) qué manera de darme la lata! (fam)

    but what made you say it? — ¿pero por qué lo dijiste?

    surely he doesn't believe that? - oh, but he does! — no puede ser que se crea eso - pues sí que se lo cree

    c)

    but then — (as linker) (however, still) pero; ( in that case) pero entonces

    but then you never were very ambitious, were you? — pero la verdad es que tú nunca fuiste muy ambicioso ¿no?

    I don't want to, but then again I do — no quiero, pero a la vez or al mismo tiempo sí quiero

    2)

    not... but... — no... sino...

    it appears that she's not Greek but Albanian — parece que no es griega, sino albanesa

    not only did she hit him, but she also... — no sólo le pegó, sino que también...


    II
    a) ( except)

    everyone but me — todos menos or excepto or salvo yo

    the next street but one — la próxima calle no: la siguiente

    there's nothing we can do but wait — no podemos hacer otra cosa sino esperar, lo único que podemos hacer es esperar

    b)

    but for: but for them, we'd have lost everything — de no haber sido or si no hubiera sido por ellos, habríamos perdido todo


    III
    adverb (frml)

    IV [bʌt]
    noun pero m

    no buts: come here at once! — no hay pero que valga, ven aquí inmediatamente!

    English-spanish dictionary > but

  • 6 Language

       Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)
       It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)
       It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)
       Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)
       It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)
       [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]
       Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it
       Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another
       LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)
       We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)
       We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.
       The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)
       9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language
       The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)
       It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)
       In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)
       In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)
       [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)
       he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.
       The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)
       The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.
       But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)
       The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)
        t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)
       A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)
       Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)
       It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)
       First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....
       Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)
       If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)
        23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction
       Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)
       By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)
       Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language

  • 7 East Timor

       Colony of Portugal from the 16th century to December 1975, with an area of 40,000 square kilometers (18,989 square miles). East Timor is located on the eastern portion of the island of Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. From 1975 to August 1999, when it was forcibly annexed and occupied by Indonesia, until May 2002, when it achieved full independence, East Timor was, in effect, a ward of the United Nations.
       In the 16th century, the Portuguese established trading posts on the island, but for centuries few Portuguese settled there, and the "colony" remained isolated and neglected. After the Dutch won control of Indonesia, there was a territorial dispute with Portugal as to who "owned" what on the island of Timor. In 1859, this question was decided as the Dutch and Portuguese governments formally divided the island into a Dutch portion (west) and the Portuguese colony (east) and established the frontier. From the late 19th century to World War I, Portugal consolidated its control of East Timor by means of military campaigns against the Timorese tribes. In addition to colonial officials, a few Portuguese missionaries and merchants occupied East Timor, but few Portuguese ever settled there.
       East Timor's geographic location close to the north coast of Australia and its sharing of one island in the Dutch colony catapulted it into world affairs early in World War II. To forestall a Japanese invasion of Timor, a joint Dutch-Australian expedition landed on 17 December 1941; the Portuguese authorities neither resisted nor cooperated. In February 1942, when Japanese troops landed in Timor, the small allied force fled to the hills and later was evacuated to Australia. Japan occupied all of Timor and the remainder of the Dutch East Indies until Japan's surrender in September 1945. Portugal soon reassumed control.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, East Timorese nationalist parties hoped for rapid decolonization and independence with Lisbon's cooperation. But on 28 November 1975, before a preoccupied Portugal could work out a formal transfer of power, the Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor (FRETILIN), then in control of the former colony's capital, declared independence, and, on 7 December 1975, Indonesian armed forces swiftly invaded, occupied, and annexed East Timor. In the following years, a tragic loss of life occurred. Portugal refused to recognize Indonesia's sovereignty over East Timor and claimed legal sovereignty before the United Nations.
       As Indonesia persistently and brutally suppressed Timorese nationalist resistance, world media attention focused on this still remote island. Several sensational international and Indonesian events altered the status of occupied East Timor, following the continuation of FRETILIN guerrilla resistance. In November 1991, world media disseminated information on the Indonesian forces' slaughter of East Timorese protesters at a cemetery demonstration in the capital of Dili. In 1996, two East Timorese, Bishop Belo and José Ramos Horta, each a symbol of East Timorese resistance and the desire for independence, shared the Nobel Peace Prize. Then, in 1998, in Indonesia, the Suharto regime collapsed and was replaced by a more democratic government, which in January 1999 pledged a free referendum in East Timor. On 30 August 1999, the referendum was held, and nearly 80 percent of the East Timorese voters voted for independence from Indonesia.
       However, Indonesian armed forces and militias reacted brutally, using intimidation, murder, mayhem, and razing of buildings to try to reverse the people's will. Following some weeks of confusion, a United Nations (UN) armed forces, led by Australia, took control of East Timor and declared it a UN protectorate, to last until East Timor was secure from Indonesian aggression and prepared for full independence. East Timor had changed from a Portuguese colony to an Indonesian protectorate/colony to a fledgling nation-in-the-making.
       The status of East Timor as a ward of the UN was made official on 25 October 1999, as the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor began to prepare the country for independence. Appalling conditions prevailed: 70 percent of the country's buildings had been destroyed and nearly half of the population of 800,000 had been driven out of East Timor into uneasy refuge in West Timor, under Indonesian control. A territory without an economy, East Timor lacked police, civil servants, schools, and government records.
       With UN assistance, general elections were held in the spring of 2002; the majority of parliamentary seats were won by FRETILIN, and José "Xanana" Gusmão was elected the first president. On 20 May 2002, East Timor became independent. World luminaries adorned the independence celebrations: UN secretary-general Kofi Annan, former U.S. president Bill Clinton, and other celebrities attended. But East Timor's travails continued with civil strife and uncertainty.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > East Timor

  • 8 Intelligence

       There is no mystery about it: the child who is familiar with books, ideas, conversation-the ways and means of the intellectual life-before he begins school, indeed, before he begins consciously to think, has a marked advantage. He is at home in the House of intellect just as the stableboy is at home among horses, or the child of actors on the stage. (Barzun, 1959, p. 142)
       It is... no exaggeration to say that sensory-motor intelligence is limited to desiring success or practical adaptation, whereas the function of verbal or conceptual thought is to know and state truth. (Piaget, 1954, p. 359)
       ntelligence has two parts, which we shall call the epistemological and the heuristic. The epistemological part is the representation of the world in such a form that the solution of problems follows from the facts expressed in the representation. The heuristic part is the mechanism that on the basis of the information solves the problem and decides what to do. (McCarthy & Hayes, 1969, p. 466)
       Many scientists implicitly assume that, among all animals, the behavior and intelligence of nonhuman primates are most like our own. Nonhuman primates have relatively larger brains and proportionally more neocortex than other species... and it now seems likely that humans, chimpanzees, and gorillas shared a common ancestor as recently as 5 to 7 million years ago.... This assumption about the unique status of primate intelligence is, however, just that: an assumption. The relations between intelligence and measures of brain size is poorly understood, and evolutionary affinity does not always ensure behavioral similarity. Moreover, the view that nonhuman primates are the animals most like ourselves coexists uneasily in our minds with the equally pervasive view that primates differ fundamentally from us because they lack language; lacking language, they also lack many of the capacities necessary for reasoning and abstract thought. (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990, p. 4)
       Few constructs are asked to serve as many functions in psychology as is the construct of human intelligence.... Consider four of the main functions addressed in theory and research on intelligence, and how they differ from one another.
       1. Biological. This type of account looks at biological processes. To qualify as a useful biological construct, intelligence should be a biochemical or biophysical process or at least somehow a resultant of biochemical or biophysical processes.
       2. Cognitive approaches. This type of account looks at molar cognitive representations and processes. To qualify as a useful mental construct, intelligence should be specifiable as a set of mental representations and processes that are identifiable through experimental, mathematical, or computational means.
       3. Contextual approaches. To qualify as a useful contextual construct, intelligence should be a source of individual differences in accomplishments in "real-world" performances. It is not enough just to account for performance in the laboratory. On [sic] the contextual view, what a person does in the lab may not even remotely resemble what the person would do outside it. Moreover, different cultures may have different conceptions of intelligence, which affect what would count as intelligent in one cultural context versus another.
       4. Systems approaches. Systems approaches attempt to understand intelligence through the interaction of cognition with context. They attempt to establish a link between the two levels of analysis, and to analyze what forms this link takes. (Sternberg, 1994, pp. 263-264)
       High but not the highest intelligence, combined with the greatest degrees of persistence, will achieve greater eminence than the highest degree of intelligence with somewhat less persistence. (Cox, 1926, p. 187)
       There are no definitive criteria of intelligence, just as there are none for chairness; it is a fuzzy-edged concept to which many features are relevant. Two people may both be quite intelligent and yet have very few traits in common-they resemble the prototype along different dimensions.... [Intelligence] is a resemblance between two individuals, one real and the other prototypical. (Neisser, 1979, p. 185)
       Given the complementary strengths and weaknesses of the differential and information-processing approaches, it should be possible, at least in theory, to synthesise an approach that would capitalise upon the strength of each approach, and thereby share the weakness of neither. (Sternberg, 1977, p. 65)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Intelligence

  • 9 Usage note : do

    The direct French equivalent of the verb to do in subject + to do + object sentences is faire:
    she’s doing her homework
    = elle fait ses devoirs
    what are you doing?
    = qu’est-ce que tu fais?
    what has he done with the newspaper?
    = qu’est-ce qu’il a fait du journal?
    faire functions in very much the same way as to do does in English and it is safe to assume it will work in the great majority of cases. For the conjugation of the verb faire, see the French verb tables.
    Grammatical functions
    In questions
    In French there is no use of an auxiliary verb in questions equivalent to the use of do in English.
    When the subject is a pronoun, the question is formed in French either by inverting the subject and verb and putting a hyphen between the two ( veux-tu?) or by prefacing the subject + verb by est-ce que (literally is it that):
    do you like Mozart?
    = aimes-tu Mozart? or est-ce que tu aimes Mozart?
    did you put the glasses in the cupboard?
    = as-tu mis les verres dans le placard? or est-ce que tu as mis les verres dans le placard?
    When the subject is a noun there are again two possibilities:
    did your sister ring?
    = est-ce que ta sœur a téléphoné? or ta sœur a-t-elle téléphoné?
    did Max find his keys?
    = est-ce que Max a trouvé ses clés? or Max a-t-il trouvé ses clés?
    In negatives
    Equally, auxiliaries are not used in negatives in French:
    I don’t like Mozart
    = je n’aime pas Mozart
    you didn’t feed the cat
    = tu n’as pas donné à manger au chat
    don’t do that!
    = ne fais pas ça!
    In emphatic uses
    There is no verbal equivalent for the use of do in such expressions as I DO like your dress. A French speaker will find another way, according to the context, of expressing the force of the English do. Here are a few useful examples:
    I DO like your dress
    = j’aime beaucoup ta robe
    I DO hope she remembers
    = j’espère qu’elle n’oubliera pas
    I DO think you should see a doctor
    = je crois vraiment que tu devrais voir un médecin
    When referring back to another verb
    In this case the verb to do is not translated at all:
    I don’t like him any more than you do
    = je ne l’aime pas plus que toi
    I live in Oxford and so does Lily
    = j’habite à Oxford et Lily aussi
    she gets paid more than I do
    = elle est payée plus que moi
    I haven’t written as much as I ought to have done
    = je n’ai pas écrit autant que j’aurais dû
    ‘I love strawberries’ ‘so do I’
    = ‘j’adore les fraises’ ‘moi aussi’
    In polite requests
    In polite requests the phrase je vous en prie can often be used to render the meaning of do:
    do sit down
    = asseyez-vous, je vous en prie
    do have a piece of cake
    = prenez un morceau de gâteau, je vous en prie
    ‘may I take a peach?’ ‘yes, do’
    = ‘puis-je prendre une pêche?’ ‘je vous en prie’
    In imperatives
    In French there is no use of an auxiliary verb in imperatives:
    don’t shut the door
    = ne ferme pas la porte
    don’t tell her anything
    = ne lui dis rien
    do be quiet!
    = tais-toi!
    In tag questions
    French has no direct equivalent of tag questions like doesn’t he? or didn’t it? There is a general tag question n’est-ce pas? (literally isn’t it so?) which will work in many cases:
    you like fish, don’t you?
    = tu aimes le poisson, n’est-ce pas?
    he lives in London, doesn’t he?
    = il habite à Londres, n’est-ce pas?
    However, n’est-ce pas can very rarely be used for positive tag questions and some other way will be found to express the meaning contained in the tag: par hasard can often be useful as a translation:
    Lola didn’t phone, did she?
    = Lola n’a pas téléphoné par hasard?
    Paul doesn’t work here, does he?
    = Paul ne travaille pas ici par hasard?
    In many cases the tag is not translated at all and the speaker’s intonation will convey what is implied:
    you didn’t tidy your room, did you? (i.e. you ought to have done)
    = tu n’as pas rangé ta chambre?
    In short answers
    Again, there is no direct French equivalent for short answers like yes I do, no he doesn’t etc. Where the answer yes is given to contradict a negative question or statement, the most useful translation is si:
    ‘Marion didn’t say that’ ‘yes she did’
    = ‘Marion n’a pas dit ça’ ‘si’
    ‘they don’t sell vegetables at the baker’s’ ‘yes they do’
    = ‘ils ne vendent pas les légumes à la boulangerie’ ‘si’
    In response to a standard enquiry the tag will not be translated:
    ‘do you like strawberries?’ ‘yes I do’
    = ‘aimez-vous les fraises?’ ‘oui ’
    For more examples and particular usages, see the entry do.

    Big English-French dictionary > Usage note : do

  • 10 automation technologies

    1. технологии для автоматизации

     

    технологии для автоматизации
    -
    [Интент]

    Параллельные тексты EN-RU

    Automation technologies: a strong focal point for our R&D

    Технологии для автоматизации - одна из главных тем наших научно исследовательских разработок

    Automation is an area of ABB’s business with an extremely high level of technological innovation.

    Автоматика относится к одной из областей деятельности компании АББ, для которой характерен исключительно высокий уровень технических инноваций.

    In fact, it may be seen as a showcase for exhibiting the frontiers of development in several of today’s emerging technologies, like short-range wireless communication and microelectromechanical systems (MEMS).

    В определенном смысле ее можно уподобить витрине, в которой выставлены передовые разработки из области только еще зарождающихся технологий, примерами которых являются ближняя беспроводная связь и микроэлектромеханические системы (micro electromechanical systems MEMS).

    Mechatronics – the synthesis of mechanics and electronics – is another very exciting and rapidly developing area, and the foundation on which ABB has built its highly successful, fast-growing robotics business.

    Еще одной исключительно интересной быстро развивающейся областью и в то же время фундаментом, на котором АББ в последнее время строит свой исключительно успешный и быстро расширяющийся бизнес в области робототехники, является мехатроника - синтез механики с электроникой.

    Robotic precision has now reached the levels we have come to expect of the watch-making industry, while robots’ mechanical capabilities continue to improve significantly.

    Точность работы робототехнических устройств достигла сегодня уровней, которые мы привыкли ожидать только на предприятиях часовой промышленности. Большими темпами продолжают расти и механические возможности роботов.

    Behind the scenes, highly sophisticated electronics and software control every move these robots make.

    А за кулисами всеми перемещениями робота управляют сложные электронные устройства и компьютерные программы.

    Throughout industry today we see a major shift of ‘intelligence’ to lower levels in the automation system hierarchy, leading to a demand for more communication within the system.

    Во всех отраслях промышленности сегодня наблюдается интенсивный перенос "интеллекта" на нижние уровни иерархии автоматизированных систем, что требует дальнейшего развития внутрисистемных средств обмена.

    ‘Smart’ transmitters, with powerful microprocessors, memory chips and special software, carry out vital operations close to the processes they are monitoring.

    "Интеллектуальные" датчики, снабженные высокопроизводительными микропроцессорами, мощными чипами памяти и специальным программно-математическим обеспечением, выполняют особо ответственные операции в непосредственной близости от контролируемых процессов.

    And they capture and store data crucial for remote diagnostics and maintenance.

    Они же обеспечивают возможность измерения и регистрации информации, крайне необходимой для дистанционной диагностики и дистанционного обслуживания техники.

    The communication highway linking such systems is provided by fieldbuses.

    В качестве коммуникационных магистралей, связывающих такого рода системы, служат промышленные шины fieldbus.

    In an ideal world there would be no more than a few, preferably just one, fieldbus standard.

    В идеале на промышленные шины должно было бы существовать небольшое количество, а лучше всего вообще только один стандарт.

    However, there are still too many of them, so ABB has developed ‘fieldbus plugs’ that, with the help of translation, enable devices to communicate across different standards.

    К сожалению, на деле количество их типов продолжает оставаться слишком разнообразным. Ввиду этой особенности рынка промышленных шин компанией АББ разработаны "штепсельные разъемы", которые с помощью средств преобразования обеспечивают общение различных устройств вопреки границам, возникшим из-за различий в стандартах.

    This makes life easier as well as less costly for our customers. Every automation system is dependent on an electrical network for distributing – and interrupting, when necessary – the power needed to carry out its various functions.

    Это, безусловно, не только облегчает, но и удешевляет жизнь нашим заказчикам. Ни одна система автоматики не может работать без сети, обеспечивающей подачу, а при необходимости и отключение напряжения, необходимого для выполнения автоматикой своих задач.

    Here, too, we see a clear trend toward more intelligence and communication, for example in traditional electromechanical devices such as contactors and switches.

    И здесь наблюдаются отчетливо выраженные тенденции к повышению уровня интеллектуальности и расширению возможностей связи, например, в таких традиционных электромеханических устройствах, как контакторы и выключатели.

    We are pleased to see that our R&D efforts in these areas over the past few years are bearing fruit.

    Мы с удовлетворением отмечаем, что научно-исследовательские разработки, выполненные нами за последние годы в названных областях, начинают приносить свои плоды.

    Recently, we have seen a strong increase in the use of wireless technology in industry.

    В последнее время на промышленных предприятиях наблюдается резкое расширение применения техники беспроводной связи.

    This is a key R&D area at ABB, and several prototype applications have already been developed.

    В компании АББ эта область также относится к числу одной из ключевых тем научно-исследовательских разработок, результатом которых стало создание ряда опытных образцов изделий практического направления.

    At the international Bluetooth Conference in Amsterdam in June 2002, we presented a truly ‘wire-less’ proximity sensor – with even a wireless power supply.

    На международной конференции по системам Bluetooth, состоявшейся в Амстердаме в июне 2002 г., наши специалисты выступили с докладом о поистине "беспроводном" датчике ближней локации, снабженном опять-таки "беспроводным" источником питания.

    This was its second major showing after the launch at the Hanover Fair.

    На столь крупном мероприятии это устройство демонстрировалось во второй раз после своего первого показа на Ганноверской торгово-промышленной ярмарке.

    Advances in microelectronic device technology are also having a profound impact on the power electronics systems around which modern drive systems are built.

    Достижения в области микроэлектроники оказывают также глубокое влияние на системы силовой электроники, лежащие в основе современных приводных устройств.

    The ABB drive family ACS 800 is visible proof of this.

    Наглядным тому доказательством может служить линейка блоков регулирования частоты вращения электродвигателей ACS-800, производство которой начато компанией АББ.

    Combining advanced trench gate IGBT technology with efficient cooling and innovative design, this drive – for motors rated from 1.1 to 500 kW – has a footprint for some power ranges which is six times smaller than competing systems.

    Предназначены они для двигателей мощностью от 1,1 до 500 кВт. В блоках применена новейшая разновидность приборов - биполярные транзисторы с изолированным желобковым затвором (trench gate IGBT) в сочетании с новыми конструктивными решениями, благодаря чему в отдельных диапазонах мощностей габариты блоков удалось снизить по сравнению с конкурирующими изделиями в шесть раз.

    To get the maximum benefit out of this innovative drive solution we have also developed a new permanent magnet motor.

    Стремясь с максимальной пользой использовать новые блоки регулирования, мы параллельно с ними разработали новый двигатель с постоянными магнитами.

    It uses neodymium iron boron, a magnetic material which is more powerful at room temperature than any other known today.

    В нем применен новый магнитный материал на основе неодима, железа и бора, характеристики которого при комнатной температуре на сегодняшний день не имеют себе равных.

    The combination of new drive and new motor reduces losses by as much as 30%, lowering energy costs and improving sustainability – both urgently necessary – at the same time.

    Совместное использование нового блока регулирования частоты вращения с новым двигателем снижает потери мощности до 30 %, что позволяет решить сразу две исключительно актуальные задачи:
    сократить затраты на электроэнергию и повысить уровень безотказности.

    These innovations are utilized most fully, and yield the maximum benefit, when integrated by means of our Industrial IT architecture.

    Потенциал перечисленных выше новых разработок используется в наиболее полной степени, а сами они приносят максимальную выгоду, если их интеграция осуществлена на основе нашей архитектуры IndustrialIT.

    Industrial IT is a unique platform for exploiting the full potential of information technology in industrial applications.

    IndustrialIT представляет собой уникальную платформу, позволяющую в максимальной степени использовать возможности информационных технологий применительно к задачам промышленности.

    Consequently, our new products and technologies are Industrial IT Enabled, meaning that they can be integrated in the Industrial IT architecture in a ‘plug and produce’ manner.

    Именно поэтому все наши новые изделия и технологии выпускаются в варианте, совместимом с архитектурой IndustrialIT, что означает их способность к интеграции с этой архитектурой по принципу "подключи и производи".

    We are excited to present in this issue of ABB Review some of our R&D work and a selection of achievements in such a vital area of our business as Automation.

    Мы рады представить в настоящем номере "АББ ревю" некоторые из наших научно-исследовательских разработок и достижений в такой жизненно важной для нашего бизнеса области, как автоматика.

    R&D investment in our corporate technology programs is the foundation on which our product and system innovation is built.

    Вклад наших разработок в общекорпоративные технологические программы группы АББ служит основой для реализации новых технических решений в создаваемых нами устройствах и системах.

    Examples abound in the areas of control engineering, MEMS, wireless communication, materials – and, last but not least, software technologies. Enjoy reading about them.
    [ABB Review]

    Это подтверждается многочисленными примерами из области техники управления, микроэлектромеханических систем, ближней радиосвязи, материаловедения и не в последнюю очередь программотехники. Хотелось бы пожелать читателю получить удовольствие от чтения этих материалов.
    [Перевод Интент]

    Тематики

    EN

    Англо-русский словарь нормативно-технической терминологии > automation technologies

  • 11 flow-through shares

    фин. проточные акции* Details of the Flow-Through Shares (FTSs) and Flow-Through Warrants (FTWs) Subscribed.
    http:www.greaterkwchamber.com/market_watch_flowthru_Jun04.shtml
    Flow-Through shares are one of the few remaining tax-assisted investment vehicles available to investors in Canada. Flow-Through Limited Partnerships are tax-advantaged vehicles designed to invest in a portfolio of flow-through shares, usually issued by resource-based companies. Since the introduction of the tax system in 1954, the Canadian government has been working on additional ways to encourage exploration and development in the resource sector. In the 1993 Federal budget, the government allowed certain investors to deduct exploration expenses against income. Since that time there has been a dramatic increase in exploration activity.
    Flow-through shares do not exist to circumvent any tax rules or to take advantage of any loopholes in the Tax Act. These flow-through shares benefit from certain provisions within the Tax Act that were explicitly created by government, as mentioned above.
    There are actually three advantages created by flow-through shares, with respect to taxation. The primary benefit of flow-through share investing is the ability of the investment to convert income, in the current year, into capital gains in future years. With the preferential tax treatment of capital gains over income, there is an immediate benefit to the investor. The second is that a tax deferral is created.
    It is assumed, unless in a highly inflationary environment, that if one can defer the payment of taxes to a later date, that individual has gained a definite advantage. The third advantage created is through tax efficiency. The purchase and subsequent tax credit creates an ACB or adjusted cost base of zero. This is part of the first advantage, whereby income is converted into capital gains. However, there is an added advantage with this conversion. It allows an individual to benefit from capital losses, those losses that have accumulated from past investments in non-registered accounts, by creating capital gains that can be partially or fully offset by those losses.
    In evaluating tax shelters, it is important to evaluate the tax shelter in the same way as a non-tax shelter investment. That is to say legal and accounting advisers should be consulted and the investment should be examined from a business risk and return point of view. For example, with a real estate investment, the real estate market in the target area should be examined. It may not make a lot of sense to acquire real estate, even if tax sheltered, in a market which is declining.

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > flow-through shares

  • 12 Savery, Thomas

    [br]
    b. c. 1650 probably Shilston, near Modbury, Devonshire, England
    d. c. 15 May 1715 London, England
    [br]
    English inventor of a partially successful steam-driven pump for raising water.
    [br]
    Little is known of the early years of Savery's life and no trace has been found that he served in the Army, so the title "Captain" is thought to refer to some mining appointment, probably in the West of England. He may have been involved in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, for later he was well known to William of Orange. From 1705 to 1714 he was Treasurer for Sick and Wounded Seamen, and in 1714 he was appointed Surveyor of the Water Works at Hampton Court, a post he held until his death the following year. He was interested in mechanical devices; amongst his early contrivances was a clock.
    He was the most prolific inventor of his day, applying for seven patents, including one in 1649, for polishing plate glass which may have been used. His idea for 1697 for propelling ships with paddle-wheels driven by a capstan was a failure, although regarded highly by the King, and was published in his first book, Navigation Improved (1698). He tried to patent a new type of floating mill in 1707, and an idea in 1710 for baking sea coal or other fuel in an oven to make it clean and pure.
    His most famous invention, however, was the one patented in 1698 "for raising water by the impellent force of fire" that Savery said would drain mines or low-lying land, raise water to supply towns or houses, and provide a source of water for turning mills through a water-wheel. Basically it consisted of a receiver which was first filled with steam and then cooled to create a vacuum by having water poured over the outside. The water to be pumped was drawn into the receiver from a lower sump, and then high-pressure steam was readmitted to force the water up a pipe to a higher level. It was demonstrated to the King and the Royal Society and achieved some success, for a few were installed in the London area and a manufactory set up at Salisbury Court in London. He published a book, The Miner's Friend, about his engine in 1702, but although he made considerable improvements, due to excessive fuel consumption and materials which could not withstand the steam pressures involved, no engines were installed in mines as Savery had hoped. His patent was extended in 1699 until 1733 so that it covered the atmospheric engine of Thomas Newcomen who was forced to join Savery and his other partners to construct this much more practical engine.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    FRS 1706.
    Bibliography
    1698, Navigation Improved.
    1702, The Miner's Friend.
    Further Reading
    The entry in the Dictionary of National Biography (1897, Vol. L, London: Smith Elder \& Co.) has been partially superseded by more recent research. The Transactions of the Newcomen Society contain various papers; for example, Rhys Jenkins, 1922–3, "Savery, Newcomen and the early history of the steam engine", Vol. 3; A.Stowers, 1961–2, "Thomas Newcomen's first steam engine 250 years ago and the initial development of steam power", Vol. 34; A.Smith, 1977–8, "Steam and the city: the committee of proprietors of the invention for raising water by fire", 1715–1735, Vol. 49; and J.S.P.Buckland, 1977–8, "Thomas Savery, his steam engine workshop of 1702", Vol. 49. Brief accounts may be found in H.W. Dickinson, 1938, A Short History of the Steam Engine, Cambridge University Press, and R.L. Hills, 1989, Power from Steam. A History of the Stationary Steam Engine, Cambridge University Press. There is another biography in T.I. Williams (ed.), 1969, A Biographical Dictionary of Scientists, London: A. \& C.Black.
    RLH

    Biographical history of technology > Savery, Thomas

  • 13 yet

    1. adverb
    1) (still) noch

    have yet to reach something — etwas erst noch erreichen müssen

    much yet remains to be done — noch bleibt viel zu tun; see also academic.ru/3823/as">as 5.

    2) (hitherto) bisher
    3) neg. or interrog.

    not [just] yet — [jetzt] noch nicht

    need you go just yet? — musst du [jetzt] schon gehen?

    4) (before all is over) doch noch

    he could win yet — er könnte noch gewinnen

    5) with compar. (even) noch
    6) (nevertheless) doch
    7) (again) noch

    she has never voted for that party, nor yet intends to — sie hat nie für diese Partei gestimmt, und sie hat es auch nicht vor

    2. conjunction

    a faint yet unmistakable smell — ein schwacher, aber unverkennbarer Geruch

    * * *
    [jet] 1. adverb
    1) (up till now: He hasn't telephoned yet; Have you finished yet?; We're not yet ready.) noch, schon
    2) (used for emphasis: He's made yet another mistake / yet more mistakes.) noch
    3) ((with a comparative adjective) even: a yet more terrible experience.) noch
    2. conjunction
    (but; however: He's pleasant enough, yet I don't like him.) doch
    * * *
    [jet]
    I. adv inv
    1. (up to now) bis jetzt
    not many people have arrived \yet bis jetzt sind noch nicht viele Leute da
    as \yet bis jetzt
    the issue is as \yet undecided die Sache ist bis jetzt noch nicht entschieden
    + superl
    the best/fastest/worst \yet der/die/das Beste/Schnellste/Schlechteste bisher
    2. (already) schon
    is it time to go \yet? — no, not \yet ist es schon Zeit zu gehen? — nein, noch nicht
    3. (in the future) noch
    the best is \yet to come das Beste kommt [erst] noch
    not \yet noch nicht
    she won't be back for a long time \yet sie wird noch lange nicht zurück sein
    4. (still) noch
    the date and time have \yet to be decided Datum und Uhrzeit müssen noch festgelegt werden; (in negative questions)
    isn't supper ready \yet? ist das Abendessen noch nicht fertig?
    it's not \yet time to go es ist noch nicht Zeit zu gehen
    to have \yet to do sth noch etw tun müssen
    we have \yet to decide on a name wir müssen uns noch für einen Namen entscheiden
    sb may [or might] \yet do sth jd wird vielleicht noch etw tun
    you might \yet prove me wrong noch könntest du mich widerlegen
    5. (even) [sogar] noch
    \yet more snow is forecast for the north für den Norden ist noch mehr Schnee angesagt
    + comp
    \yet bigger/more beautiful noch größer/schöner
    6. (despite that) trotzdem; (but) aber [auch]; (in spite of everything) schon
    they're a most unlikely couple and \yet they get on really well together sie sind ein ziemlich ungleiches Paar und trotzdem verstehen sie sich gut
    she manages to be firm \yet kind with the kids ihr gelingt es, streng und zugleich freundlich zu den Kindern zu sein
    you wait, I'll get you \yet! na warte, ich kriege dich schon!
    7. (in addition)
    he came back from rugby with \yet another black eye er kam vom Rugby wieder mal mit einem blauen Auge nach Hause
    \yet again schon wieder
    II. conj und doch, und trotzdem
    they're a most unlikely couple, [and] \yet they get on really well together sie sind ein unmögliches Paar, und doch kommen sie bestens miteinander aus
    though the sun was warm, \yet the wind was chilly obwohl die Sonne warm schien, ging doch ein frischer Wind
    * * *
    [jet]
    1. adv
    1) (= still) noch; (= thus far) bis jetzt, bisher

    they haven't yet returned or returned yet —

    this is his best book yet — das ist bis jetzt sein bestes Buch, das ist sein bisher bestes Buch

    as yet (with present tenses) — bis jetzt, bisher; (with past) bis dahin

    no, not yet — nein, noch nicht

    not just yet —

    you ain't seen nothing yet (inf) — du hast noch gar nichts gesehen

    2) (with interrog = so far, already) schon

    has he arrived yet? — ist er schon angekommen?, ist er schon da?

    3) (with affirmative = still, remaining) noch

    not for some time yet —

    a yet to be decided question — eine noch unentschiedene Frage, eine Frage, die noch entschieden werden muss

    I've yet to learn how to do it — ich muss erst noch lernen, wie man es macht

    4) (with comp = still, even) noch

    this is yet more difficult — dies ist (sogar) noch schwieriger

    5)

    (= in addition) (and) yet again —

    6) (with future and conditional = before all is over) noch
    7) (liter)

    nor yet —

    they didn't come nor yet write — sie sind weder gekommen, noch haben sie geschrieben

    2. conj
    doch, dennoch, trotzdem

    it's strange yet true — es ist seltsam, aber wahr

    * * *
    yet [jet]
    A adv
    1. (immer) noch, noch immer, jetzt noch:
    never yet noch nie;
    not yet noch nicht;
    nothing yet noch nichts;
    yet unfinished noch (immer) unvollendet, noch nicht vollendet;
    there is yet time noch ist Zeit;
    yet a moment (nur) noch einen Augenblick;
    as yet bis jetzt, bisher, noch;
    I haven’t seen him as yet bis jetzt habe ich ihn (noch) nicht gesehen;
    the worst is yet to come das Schlimmste steht noch bevor oder kommt erst
    2. schon (in Fragen), jetzt:
    have you finished yet? bist du schon fertig?;
    not just yet nicht gerade jetzt;
    the largest specimen yet found das größte bis jetzt gefundene Exemplar
    3. (doch) noch, schon (noch):
    he will win yet er wird doch noch gewinnen
    4. noch, sogar (beim Komparativ):
    yet better noch besser;
    yet more important sogar noch wichtiger
    5. noch dazu, außerdem:
    another and yet another noch einer und noch einer dazu;
    yet again immer wieder;
    nor yet (u.) auch nicht
    6. dennoch, trotzdem, jedoch, aber:
    it is strange and yet true es ist seltsam und dennoch wahr;
    but yet aber doch oder trotzdem
    B konj
    1. aber (dennoch oder zugleich), doch:
    it is good, yet it could be improved
    2. auch yet that obs obgleich
    * * *
    1. adverb
    1) (still) noch

    much yet remains to be done — noch bleibt viel zu tun; see also as 5.

    2) (hitherto) bisher
    3) neg. or interrog.

    not [just] yet — [jetzt] noch nicht

    need you go just yet? — musst du [jetzt] schon gehen?

    5) with compar. (even) noch
    7) (again) noch

    she has never voted for that party, nor yet intends to — sie hat nie für diese Partei gestimmt, und sie hat es auch nicht vor

    2. conjunction

    a faint yet unmistakable smell — ein schwacher, aber unverkennbarer Geruch

    * * *
    adv.
    da adv.
    jedoch konj.
    jetzt adv.
    schon adv.
    sogar adv. conj.
    dennoch konj.
    doch konj.

    English-german dictionary > yet

  • 14 punctuation

    n пунктуация, знаки препинания Знаки препинания в английском языке употребляются реже и не так, как в русском языке. К основным случаям употребления знаков препинания в английском языке следует отнести: (1). Предложения, выражающие просьбу, заканчиваются как правило точкой, даже если они стоят в вопросительной форме:

    Will you send me your latest article.

    May I take it.

    (2). Косвенный вопрос заканчивается точкой, а не вопросительным знаком:

    Do you mind if I come a little later.

    He hesitated whether to stay or leave at once.

    (3). Запятой отделяются:
    1). обстоятельственные придаточные предложения, если они стоят в начале предложения перед главным. Если придаточное следует за главным, то оно запятой не отделяется.

    When it was convenient for him, he went to the office.

    Cp. We worked overtime whenever it was necessary;
    2). причастные и абсолютные обороты, стоящие в начале предложения.

    The rain having stopped, we went for a walk.

    A doctor, called to the scene, examined the injured man;

    3). вводные инфинитивные конструкции. То be successful, one must work hard. Если инфинитивная конструкция выполняет функцию подлежащего, то она запятой не отделяется — То become a doctor was his dream;
    4). все вводные слова, обороты, словосочетания и придаточные предложения:
    а) слова типа however, moreover, therefore, besides, consequently, so to speak, in short, of course, as a result, we suppose, I think, as for as she is concerned:

    Besides, he didn't receive any answer.

    Of course, there are many ways to do it.

    Someone, I suppose, should check the papers;

    б) вводные обороты, прерывающие логическую последовательность изложения — Не disliked, and I agree with him, his manner of presentation the problem;
    в) слово also, если оно стоит в начале предложения для усиления — Also, we noticed that the prices were going up ( в остальных случаях also запятой не отделяется, ср. We also noticed that the prices were going up);
    5). вступительные слова и выражения типа yes, indeed, really, surely, well —

    Yes, I would like to say a few words on the problem.

    Well, the next thing we knew he had fired a shot;

    6). описательные определительные придаточные, которые могут быть опущены без ущерба для смысла предложения, в отличие от ограничивающих определительных придаточных, которые опущены быть не могут (последние запятой не отделяются) —

    The girl who lives next door came to work to our office,

    cp. Mary Jones, who lives next door, came to see us.

    The book (that) you gave me to read was very useful to me,

    cp. Pygmalion, the play written by B. Shaw, has been staged by many theatres;

     7). обращения — Henry, fetch another chair, please. I am sorry, Mr. White, that I must interrupt you; 8). конструкции-приложения — Thomas, our manager, is ill. Приложения, тесно связанные с определяемым словом и образующие единое словосочетание, запятой не отделяются — My cousin Bob. Mary Queen of Scots. His friend Bill; 9). ряд однородных определений — She decided to have potatoes, beans, and ice cream. He walked off the stage, turned round, came back, and stared at the audience. He asked for paper, a pencil, and a ruler. They lived in a little, white house; 10). части сложносочиненных предложений, соединенных одним из сочинительных союзов and, but, for, or, nor, while (в значении but) — I dictated the letter, but she didn't put it down correctly. В тех случаях, когда сочинительного союза нет, части сложносочиненного предложения весьма распространенные и внутри имеют свои собственные знаки препинания, запятая между ними не употребляется; в этих случаях предпочтительнее точка с запятой или точка. Нераспространенные части сложносочиненных предложений, даже при наличии союза, запятой не отделяются — Не looked around but he didn't see anybody; 11). слова, выражающие противопоставления — I asked you to fill the document, not to destroy it. I'll let you do it this time, but never again. Children should be seen, but not heard; 12). прямая речь — He asked, "How long will it take you"; 13). вопросная часть разделительных вопросов — Не was right, wasn't he?; 14). обозначения даты и месяца отделяются запятой от обозначения места и года — April 8, 1872; Moscow, July 12, 1972; 15). звания, стоящие после имени собственного — Adams, Ph. D; 16). в четырехзначных и более числительных запятой отделяются числительные после тысячи — 1,767; 2,565,727; 17). номера страниц, два одинаковых слова или два или более чисел, выраженных цифровыми последовательностями и стоящих рядом — Lucy told you, you should stay here; Since 1988, 12,000 new machines have been sold. (4). Запятой не отделяются:
    а) слова в городских адресах, при обозначении страниц, года: page 15; in the year 1986; 115 Oxford Street;
    б) ограничивающие определительные и относительные придаточные, а также дополнительные придаточные — Не knows that you will be late. The book you gave me was very useful.
    (5). Точка с запятой используется главным образом в официальной письменной речи, в которой много очень длинных и синтаксически сложных предложений; в обыденной переписке не рекомендуется использовать точку с запятой слишком часто. (6). Двоеточие, как и в русском языке, употребляется перед перечислением, разъяснением и в приветствиях в деловой переписке. В обыденной, неофициальной переписке после обращения может использоваться запятая — Dear Mr. Brown; My dear Madam; cp. Dear Jane. Если после двоеточия следует полное предложение, то первое слово такого предложения пишется с заглавной буквы:

    These are your duties: Sort the mail, open all that is not personal, throw away the envelopes, and bring the letters to me.

    Если список перечисленных пунктов расположен в столбик, каждая новая строка должна начинаться с заглавной буквы, после каждого пункта знак препинания не ставится: You should know how to use the following office machines:
    1. Typewriter
    2. Calculator
    3. Copy Machine.
    (7). Двоеточие используется для отделения различных частей отсылок, заглавий, формул и числительных: The time was 9:15 p. m; We were given Chapter XII: Section 19 for our homework. (8). Кавычки в английском языке пишутся только сверху: “Where”, he asked, “are you going to keep it?” Только первое слово приводимой прямой речи пишется с заглавной буквы, вторая часть, если прямая речь прервана, пишется с маленькой буквы. (9). Кавычки не употребляются в косвенной речи: Не asked where we would keep it. (10). Заключенное в кавычки высказывание обычно заканчивается запятой или точкой перед закрывающимися кавычками: “They are not here,” he said.

    English-Russian word troubles > punctuation

См. также в других словарях:

  • May 1998 riots of Indonesia — Part of the fall of Suharto …   Wikipedia

  • May 2005 — was the fifth month of that year. It began on a Sunday and ended after 31 days, on a Tuesday. May 2005: ← – January – February – March – April – May – June – July – August – September –… …   Wikipedia

  • May 2003 tornado outbreak sequence — Date of tornado outbreak: April 30–May 11, 2003 Duration1: 12 days Maximum rated tornado2: F4 tornado Tornadoes caused: 401 confirmed (most ever in an outbreak sequence) Damages …   Wikipedia

  • May 2007 tornado outbreak — Satellite perspective of the tornadic storms on the evening of May 5, 2007 Date of tornado outbreak: May 4–6, 2007 Duration1: 56 hours, 9 minutes …   Wikipedia

  • May 2009 Southern Midwest derecho — May 2009 derecho A screenshot from the Paducah, KY radar of the mesoscale convective vortex portion of the derecho near Carbondale, Illinois. This screenshot is from the approximate time the 106 mph (171 km/h) wind gust was recorded at… …   Wikipedia

  • May Yohé — Yohé in The Era Almanack, 1894 Born Mary Augusta Yohé 6 April 1866(1866 04 06) Bethlehem, Pennsylvania U.S …   Wikipedia

  • May 21–26, 2011 tornado outbreak sequence — May 21–26, 2011 tornado outbreak EF4 tornado that struck Chickasha, Oklahoma. Date of tornado outbreak: May 21 – May 26, 2011 Duration1 …   Wikipedia

  • May Brothers and Company — Type Industrial manufacturer Industry Mining, agriculture, manufacture. Founded 1885 (dissolved 1934) Founder(s) Frederick May, Alfred May Headquarters Gawler, South Australia …   Wikipedia

  • May 2004 tornado outbreak sequence — Radar image of the supercell that spawned the Hallam, Nebraska, tornado. Date of tornado outbreak: May 21–31, 2004 Duration1: 11 days Maximum rated tornad …   Wikipedia

  • May 2011 — was the fifth month of the current year. It began on a Sunday and ended after 31 days on a Tuesday. International holidays (See Holidays and observances, on sidebar at right, below) Portal:Current events This is an archived version of Wikipedia s …   Wikipedia

  • There's Something About Miriam — is a reality television show filmed in 2003 and originally aired in the United Kingdom on Sky1 in February 2004. Hosted by Tim Vincent, it featured six men wooing 21 year old Mexican model Miriam without revealing that she was a transwoman until… …   Wikipedia

Поделиться ссылкой на выделенное

Прямая ссылка:
… Нажмите правой клавишей мыши и выберите «Копировать ссылку»